Oregon Donors Fuel DeSpain’s Campaign as Hoyle Collects $610,000 From Political Committees

Oregon — Republican congressional challenger Monique DeSpain reported nearly $678,000 in campaign receipts through June 30, drawing support from Oregon business owners and coastal communities while receiving far less from political committees than Democratic incumbent Val Hoyle.

The filings show distinct fundraising patterns in Oregon’s 4th Congressional District. DeSpain’s contributors include people associated with timber companies, marine construction, engineering and agriculture. Hoyle’s donor list includes substantial support from labor, aviation, construction and other industry political action committees.

Hoyle retained the overall financial advantage. Her principal campaign committee reported approximately $1.22 million in receipts from January 2025 through June 2026 and ended that period with $520,840 available. DeSpain’s committee, which registered Oct. 1, 2025, reported $677,571 over nine months and closed June with $387,695 and an outstanding $30,000 candidate loan.

DeSpain’s receipts were about 55% of Hoyle’s total over a reporting window half as long. Those totals include more than donations: DeSpain’s figure incorporates her loan and transfers from a joint fundraising committee.

The largest difference was political committee support. Hoyle reported $609,627 from other political committees, nearly half her total receipts. DeSpain reported $22,500 in that category, about 3.3% of her receipts, plus $2,499 classified as party committee contributions.

Asked whether the donor contrast was intentional and whether she would accept union, tribal or corporate PAC checks before November or after taking office, DeSpain provided the following response:

I would not be running to represent rhis district if I knew my values and priorities were not aligned with the majority of the voters in this place my family and I call home. I have lived, worked, and raised my sons here for over 30 years. As an oregon attorney, i have represented businesses and individuals here for decades. I’ve served veterans for decades as well. My support comes from Oregonians from all party affiliations: small business owners, veterans, and families in this district who want a change in representation. I have personally called and spoken with each of my contributors. They understand this is not a ‘Monique’ effort this is an ‘us’ effort to fire the incumbent and hire an ethical trusted advocate for their priorities. I will prioritize a return to affordability and economic prosperity, public safety, an end to the disastrous policies that are growing our homelessness crisis, and I will always demand transparency and accountability from our government. that is what Oregonians want and that is why so many are pitching in their hard earned dollars to help me win this race. They want to hire me for the important job of serving as their representative. When I am elected, they know I will continue to put their best interests first, always.

Over half of Val Hoyle’s money comes from PACs and Washington lobbyists. That tells you HER PRIORITIES AND DEMONSTRATES SHE IS OUT OF TOUCH WITH HER CONSTIUENTS IN THE DISTRICT SHE REPRESENTS. I’m my own thinker, and my supporters know that. They also know I will never hesitate to stick up for them. Nobody writes a check and gets my vote, no matter who they are. My only obligation is to the people of Oregon’s 4th District, and that won’t change if I win.

The contrast isn’t a strategy. It’s who I am and who’s backing me. My support comes from Oregonians: small business owners, veterans, and families in this district who want someone in Congress who answers to them. Over half of Val Hoyle’s money comes from PACs and Washington lobbyists. That tells you who she answers to. Just like Oregon I am an independent thinker- I will be beholden to no party and no President. Nobody writes a check and gets my vote, no matter who they are. My only obligation is to the people of Oregon’s 4th District, and that won’t change if I win.

Her response did not specify whether she would accept the PAC categories named in the question. The FEC summary places other political committee contributions at approximately 49.9% of Hoyle’s receipts; lobbyist donations are not separately categorized in that summary. Communications Ryan Saylor clarified that not all online donors had been personally contacted.

DeSpain received $317,314 in individual contributions directly through her campaign committee. Another $304,824 arrived through Team Monique, a joint fundraising committee registered in Alexandria, Virginia. Those transfers accounted for approximately 45% of the money received by her principal committee.

Team Monique’s Virginia address does not establish where its underlying donors live. Under FEC joint fundraising rules, joint fundraising committees collect contributions and distribute proceeds among participating committees. The FEC identifies Team Monique as a joint fundraising committee, and DeSpain’s transaction records include memo entries identifying contributors associated with its transfers.

Right Now Oregon asked how Team Monique recruits donors and allocates contributions among participating committees, and whether DeSpain anticipated additional personal loans or contributions before November. Communications director Ryan Saylor responded:

Team Monique raises money the way grassroots campaigns do: by talking to people across Oregon who want new leadership and asking them to help. Every dollar is publicly reported, and voters can see exactly who is supporting this campaign. Monique’s contributions – the loan will not be re-couped if we are defeated – reflect how much she believes in this race and in Oregon. It also reflects her leadership style.

Monique has led many teams to successful outcomes and she considers her financial contributors part of Team Monique in this great effort to bring common sense representation to Oregon. Monique never asks anyone on her team to do anything she would not do herself. We all have different plans for our money than fighting to be heard by our elected representatives. Contributors are giving a lot – and Monique is too. She has also door knocked over 18,000 doors along with her grassroots team. She’s all in, and she’ll keep doing what it takes to win.

The response did not specify an allocation formula or plans for additional personal financing. Campaign filings report aggregate receipts, including unitemized contributions, rather than publicly identifying every donor.

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A review of DeSpain’s disclosed receipt records, supplied as a Schedule A export, found approximately $539,449 in named contributions when direct itemized receipts and Team Monique donor attributions were combined, excluding DeSpain’s own attributed contribution. Approximately $470,872, or 87%, carried Oregon addresses.

These figures describe disclosed donor entries, rather than a geographic breakdown of all campaign receipts. Joint fundraising attributions identify underlying contributions, while transfers reflect the money distributed to the campaign after the joint committee’s accounting. Counting both as separate receipts would overstate fundraising.

The Oregon concentration appears in both the largest contributions and the communities represented. Eugene, Roseburg, Albany and Reedsport led DeSpain’s direct itemized contributions by city, with additional support from Florence and North Bend.

The campaign’s itemized disclosures show Fred and Marci Wahl of Reedsport, both listed as business owners associated with Fred Wahl Marine Construction, each contributed $7,000. John Murphy, identified as president of Murphy Plywood, and Christine Murphy also each contributed $7,000, with those contributions disclosed through Team Monique.

Other contributors associated with Oregon’s wood-products industry included Theodore Kyle Freres, listed as an owner of Freres Engineered Wood, who contributed approximately $3,644. Deana Freres contributed the same amount. Rob Freres, listed with Freres Lumber, contributed $3,500, while Dan Giustina, identified as managing partner of Giustina Resources, contributed $2,500.

The donor list extended beyond timber and marine construction. Dennis and Janet Beetham of North Bend, listed with Beetham Family engineering, each contributed $7,000. Cort Brazelton, listed as a board member and executive adviser at Fall Creek Farm & Nursery, and Chelsea Brazelton, a professional counselor listed with ODI Clinic, each contributed $7,000. Vernon Egge, listed as a self-employed quarry owner in Eugene, contributed $5,500.

These contributions are attributed to named donors. Their reported employment does not establish that their companies contributed or endorsed DeSpain.

Under FEC limits for the 2025–2026 election cycle, an individual may contribute $3,500 per election to a candidate. Because the primary and general election have separate limits, a donor can contribute $7,000 across the two contests.

DeSpain also received sizable contributions from outside Oregon. Her disclosed entries show $7,000 each from Edward C. Levy Jr. and Linda Dresner of Birmingham, Michigan; Elizabeth Bryden of New York; and Wendy Morgan of Litchfield Park, Arizona.

DeSpain’s political committee receipts were concentrated among a smaller group of donors. Oregon Frontier PAC contributed $6,000, The Guardian Fund gave $5,000, Timberline PAC and Growing Our Own Dynamic Economy Now each gave $3,500, and Tenacious PAC contributed $3,000. Smaller contributions came from Heard Leadership Fund, Umpqua Valley Republican Women’s PAC and county Republican organizations.

Hoyle’s itemized receipt records show a broader institutional donor base. Her campaign received $10,000 each from committees representing the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, the machinists union and the carpenters union. Aviation donors included the Air Line Pilots Association PAC, Allied Pilots Association PAC and Southwest Airlines Pilots’ Association PAC, also at $10,000 each. CRH Americas’ corporate PAC and Pacific Seafood Processors PAC each contributed $10,000.

Of Hoyle’s approximately $1.157 million in non-memo itemized receipts in the supplied file, about $306,067 carried Oregon addresses. Roughly 74% therefore carried addresses outside the state. That percentage applies to the disclosed itemized records, not all receipts, and includes political committees whose mailing addresses do not necessarily describe the location of their members.

DeSpain had a larger unitemized share of direct individual contributions: approximately 29%, compared with about 11% for Hoyle. That comparison concerns contributions received directly by their principal committees and does not include the underlying donors to Team Monique.

Asked what PAC donors expect, where she draws the line between advocacy and buying influence, and how she would handle a donor request contrary to district interests, DeSpain said:

Anyone can advocate. Every Oregonian has the right to make their case to their representative, and I’ll listen to all of them. What nobody gets is a vote in exchange for a check. If a donor ever asked me to vote against the interests of this district, the answer is no, and they’d hear it from me directly. I spent 30 years in the Air Force under an oath, and I’ll re-affirm that same oath upon entering Congress. Oregon comes first, always.

“On transparency, you’ll never see me violate the law as we have seen with Val Hoyle’s violation of the Stock Act and her shady La Mota deals followed by her recent violation of Oregon Election law by intentionally lying to the voters about me. My financial transactions will always be transparent and compliant with the law. I’ll post every vote I cast in Congress and my reasons for it, so voters can judge for themselves. And voters deserve to know who is spending money to influence their elections. A super PAC tied to OpenAI leaders and other tech figures has spent more than $292,000 to keep Val Hoyle in Congress. I haven’t taken a dime from big tech or any other special interest group. Voters can draw their own conclusions.

Reporting on Hoyle’s STOCK Act disclosures documented 217 late-reported transactions and a $200 penalty, but found no evidence of prohibited trades. DeSpain’s characterizations of the La Mota controversy and alleged election-law violation remain her allegations. KLCC reported that the roughly $292,000 in tech-backed support was independent spending, separate from Hoyle’s campaign receipts; Hoyle said she did not control it or accept money from AI companies. DeSpain’s own filings disclose the political committee contributions detailed above.

Recent fundraising comparisons also require attention to reporting dates. The Oregon Capital Chronicle reported in July that DeSpain received nearly $192,000 between April 30 and June 30, exceeding Hoyle by about $15,500. Approximately $95,000 of DeSpain’s receipts during that period consisted of her $30,000 loan and transfers from Team Monique. Those transfers represent separately raised funds, rather than necessarily personal financing by the candidate.

The publication subsequently clarified that Hoyle led over the full April–June quarter, with approximately $252,000 compared with DeSpain’s $212,000. Oregon’s primary reporting requirements split that quarter into separate reporting periods.

For the principal campaign accounts, the June filings left Hoyle with approximately $133,145 more cash and no reported debt. DeSpain’s records show a fundraising base centered on disclosed Oregon contributors, including business owners and industry professionals, alongside substantial use of joint fundraising. Hoyle raised more overall and secured considerably greater political committee support.