Nearly 70% of Val Hoyle’s Campaign Funds Come From Outside Oregon as PACs in Aviation, Construction and Maritime Align With Her Work on Key Committees

Oregon — U.S. Rep. Val Hoyle’s reelection campaign raised more than $1.22 million through June 2026, with nearly half its contributions coming from political committees and roughly half its itemized contributions from individual people coming from addresses outside Oregon.

A review of the campaign’s Federal Election Commission disclosures shows support from aviation unions, construction and maritime interests, tribal governments, and Washington-area government affairs professionals. Several of those donors work in fields covered by the congressional committees on which Hoyle serves.

The Oregon Democrat’s principal campaign committee, Val Hoyle for Congress, reported $609,627 from other political committees and $612,316 in the FEC’s individual-contribution category between Jan. 1, 2025, and June 30, 2026. It spent $791,472 and ended the period with $520,840 in cash. Those figures describe money received by the campaign, rather than independent spending by outside groups. FEC

The political-committee total includes $594,627 from contributors classified as PACs in the supplied transaction file, plus $15,000 from other committees. Separately, the FEC’s individual-contribution reporting category includes donations from tribal governments. Those organizational gifts should not be confused with contributions from individual people.

Among the $460,024 in itemized contributions attributed to individual people, Oregon addresses accounted for $229,834, or approximately 50 percent. The remaining $230,190 came from addresses outside the state. These figures use reported donor addresses and do not establish whether contributors have business, family or other connections to Oregon’s 4th Congressional District.

Some of the largest personal contributions came from outside Oregon. John and Laura Arnold, who listed Arnold Ventures as their employer and Texas addresses, each contributed $7,000. Winthrop McCormack contributed $7,000 from New York, while Liz Simmons contributed the same amount from California. Mark D. Emmerson, whose disclosure identified him with Sierra Pacific Industries, also gave $7,000 from California.

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Oregon contributors at the same level included Priscilla Bernard Wieden of Portland, Lee Jurasevich of Eugene and Danton R. Wagner of Bend. Wagner’s disclosure listed his occupation as lobbyist.

Under FEC contribution limits for 2025–2026, an individual may give $3,500 per election, allowing $7,000 across a primary and general election. Multicandidate PACs may contribute $5,000 per election, or $10,000 across the two elections. Contribution limits

The geographic pattern also includes a concentration around Washington. Individual contributors with addresses in Washington, D.C., Virginia and Maryland gave a combined $73,893. That total includes donors in several occupations and should not be read as a precise measure of lobbying money.

Within that broader group, the disclosures identify contributors connected to the government affairs and legal firms commonly associated with K Street, the shorthand for Washington’s lobbying industry. Raymond Bucheger, listed as a government affairs consultant at Accelerate Strategies, contributed $6,800. Ethan Pittleman of Capitol Counsel contributed $6,615, including reported in-kind support. Scott Nelson, listed as an attorney at K&L Gates, contributed $5,000, and Fred Turner, listed as a BGR Group consultant, contributed $4,000.

Other government affairs donors lived farther from Washington. Chet Atkins of Tremont Strategies Group contributed $4,500 from New Hampshire, while Josh Kardon, whose employer entry referenced Three Arch Strategies and Capitol Counsel, contributed $3,300 from Washington state.

The connection to infrastructure policy extends beyond the firms’ names. Capitol Counsel’s infrastructure practice announcement identified Pittleman and Kardon among the partners leading its work on implementation of the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act. Their campaign contributions were reported as personal donations, rather than payments by the firm or its clients.

Transportation interests are also prominent among the PAC contributors. The Air Line Pilots Association, Allied Pilots Association, Association of Professional Flight Attendants, Southwest Airlines Pilots Association, NetJets pilots’ PAC and Professional Aviation Safety Specialists PAC each contributed $10,000. The National Air Traffic Controllers Association PAC gave $8,500.

Corporate aviation and aerospace PACs added support, including $4,000 each from Boeing and Honeywell, $3,000 from Lockheed Martin and $1,000 from Alaska Air Group.

Hoyle has served on the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee since 2023 and was appointed to its Aviation Subcommittee on Nov. 19, 2025. In announcing the appointment, she emphasized flight safety, passenger service, air traffic infrastructure and workers. Some aviation PAC contributions preceded that appointment, so the disclosures do not establish that the new assignment prompted the donations.

Labor support reaches beyond aviation. PACs associated with AFSCME, the Carpenters, Bricklayers, Communications Workers of America, International Association of Fire Fighters, Machinists, United Food and Commercial Workers and International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers each contributed $10,000. Together, those donations show substantial backing from organized labor alongside corporate and trade association support.

Construction and freight-related contributions intersect with another part of Hoyle’s transportation work. CRH Americas’ PAC contributed $10,000, Weyerhaeuser’s PAC gave $6,000, the National Stone, Sand and Gravel Association’s ROCKPAC gave $3,000, and Knife River’s PAC contributed $2,500.

In May, Hoyle’s office reported that four of her amendments were included in the BUILD America 250 Act, a five-year surface transportation bill. The provisions addressed bus rapid transit financing, regional freight projects, freight grant procedures and assistance for rural and tribal transit applicants. The bill passed the committee 62–2; that vote did not make it law.

Maritime contributors included the Pacific Seafood Processors PAC, which gave $10,000; the Marine Engineers’ Beneficial Association political fund, which gave $7,500; and PACs associated with boat manufacturers and Saltchuk Resources, which gave $5,000 each. American Waterways Operators’ PAC contributed $2,000.

Those interests overlap with both transportation policy and Hoyle’s role as the senior Democrat on the Natural Resources Subcommittee on Water, Wildlife and Fisheries. Her district also includes coastal ports and fishing communities.

In April, Hoyle joined Oregon’s senators in announcing an $11.25 million federal grant for a Port of Coos Bay rail connection project.

Hoyle’s Natural Resources assignments also include Indian and Insular Affairs. Tribal governments contributed $87,233 in the itemized records, including $25,933 from Oregon addresses and $61,300 from outside the state.

Oregon contributions included $7,000 from the Coquille Indian Tribe, $6,833 from Cow Creek, $6,600 from Siletz and $4,500 from Grand Ronde. Outside Oregon, donors included the Ak-Chin Indian Community at $7,000, the Poarch Band of Creek Indians at $5,500 and the Morongo Band of Mission Indians at $5,000. Tolowa Dee-ni’ Nation, based in Smith River, California, contributed $7,000.

The campaign also reported $65,059 in unitemized contributions, approximately 5.3 percent of total contributions. That figure does not capture all small-dollar giving: under FEC reporting rules, repeated small donations become itemized when a donor’s election-cycle total exceeds $200, and campaigns may voluntarily disclose smaller contributions.

The disclosures show a fundraising base that combines Oregon supporters with national political committees, out-of-state individuals and government affairs professionals. They also document overlap between several donors’ industries and Hoyle’s legislative responsibilities. The records alone do not establish donors’ motives, whether contributions affected particular decisions, or an exchange of campaign support for official action.

Note: Transaction figures were calculated from the a 2,287-row Schedule A export exported from the FEC website, excluding memo entries to avoid double-counting conduit and other informational records. Donor categories follow the file’s entity classifications, and geographic totals use reported addresses. Amounts are gross receipts before refunds; the FEC summary reports $14,621 in contribution refunds through June 30, 2026.